A method to the madness
Iqbal Mustafa

Printed in NEWS September 12, 2004


Quo Vadis
Whither are you Going

For this new series of columns, I have symbolically chosen the title from the call of the Roman guards when they addressed passers by: Quo Vadis, where are you going? In the previous series, 'Inside view' I took a retrospective approach, dilating upon many areas that affect our lives by dint of institutional management of the country. While responding positively many readers complained that I was finding faults but not proffering solutions.

In this series, I am taking a prospective view of things where we can look at the paths ahead and the choices available. There is no certainty in determining destiny but it certainly helps knowing a little about the paths ahead.

Iqbal Mustafa.
February 2004

However much I want to get back to the core issues underlying Pakistan's economic fragility and long term prospects - water, textiles, rural unemployment, SMEs, agriculture, infrastructure and so forth - the grand political drama at the top keeps distracting pervasively. Politics is the means and socio-economics the end; there is a strong correlation between the two. One can not remain focussed on the ends, oblivious of the means. Last week, I commented on the questionable means adopted to create a new governance structure with a cabinet that most analysts are labelling as 'bloated.'

The week before I had wondered whether Mr. Shaukat Aziz is going to dig into the wisdom lying buried in tomes of policy strategies produced since year 2000 during his tenure as finance minister or is he going to start afresh with a blank page. All independent reviews of various governments in the past point towards two failures: one, a lack of a long term and consistent macro policy direction and secondly, dismal performance in implementation.

As events are unfolding Mr. Aziz has skipped the issue of macro level vision and direction altogether, as if that were an unequivocal certainty that all and sundry in his team - politicians and bureaucrats - understood perfectly well to the nth. degree of detail and it was simply a matter of getting on with the job. He has asked all ministers to prepare Gantt charts for next 100 days of their own chosen targets, six for each ministry. The immediate result I can foresee is that Microsoft's Project Manager is going to push aside the ubiquitous Power Point as the most popular software in the ministries, if they were to go about it in the right way. Forgive the wishful thinking on my part; I am an incurable optimist.
What six targets? Who is going to determine them? Will the targets of different ministries fit smoothly into an overall national grand plan? Or will they contradict and nullify each other? Who will oversee that investment in one sector does not cannibalise resources of another sector? Are 60 odd 'Nizam Saqqa's' going to be unleashed on this country? Do the ministers have the wherewithal to determine where their ministry fits into the overall matrix of national economy? Who is going to determine that these targets are not motivated by political or vested commercial interests?

The sheer logistic enormity of the task seems mind boggling! What happens, let's say, when 32 ministries present 6 plans each to the Prime Minister. There are 192 projects on the table. How long will it take to reconcile the sympathetic and antipathetic vectors between these proposed plans? I assume a green light would be required before the ministers can race out of their blocks. How soon will that green light come?

Here are a few examples of what I am fretting about. The interest of the consumers is invariably at odds with the interest of the domestic 'tariff protected' industries like sugar, automobiles, synthetic fibres etc. Whose interest will which ministry be giving priority to? The local vanaspati ghee industry thrives at the cost of domestic farmers and solvent extraction and oil refining industry. So a plan to boost domestic oilseeds production with a benevolent policy towards ghee industry will cancel each other out. A policy conducive for fast growth of garments industry will impinge upon cotton processing industry, in the short run at least.

The value chains in each sector run across many ministries, e.g. cotton crop is dealt by provincial agriculture departments, its research by MINFAL; ginning is under provincial Industries Department and Ministry of Industries and Production; cotton lint trade is under Ministry Of Commerce; spinning mills come under Industries but the international trade of raw cotton, lint and textiles under Commerce. The taxation of all these sub-sectors is determined by CBR under Ministry of Finance. The quality standards that matter so much in exports are set and monitored by Pakistan Standards and Quality Control Authority, which is under the Ministry of Science and Technology. We have been lamenting the lack of inter-ministerial coordination despite the fact that each secretary or minister sits on at least 60 committees at any given point in time. The committees do exactly what they are good at - procrastinate decisions ad infinitum.

Creating more ministries is not going to improve things, I can promise you. If anything, the ministries of Agriculture, Industries and Commerce should have been amalgamated to form just one ministry of trade and production. Anyway, that is another subject of organizational restructuring, which is beyond the scope of this column.

I am afraid this 'banker's approach' to governance is too linear. It works for managing financial institutions because there you have unidirectional goals to be achieved under a tight set of rules and regulations. If any parallels are to be drawn, then running a country is more the forte of an entrepreneur than a banker. An entrepreneur is always looking for new opportunities to leverage his resources to the best advantage. He takes calculated risks; he is a bit of a gambler. He is not afraid of loosing some venture because he knows he can make up in others; good ones come out winning more and loosing less. And that is how development business works; risks have to be taken to try out new approaches.
Having said all this, I am still finding it hard to believe that the new cabinet is being treated like schoolboys with assignments, out of a misplaced management perspective. I attribute far more acuity to Mr. Shaukat Aziz. I have a sneaky feeling that along with General Musharraf he knows something that we ordinary mortals do not.

There used to a gambler with a nagging wife who would chide him for coming home late on weekend nights when he was playing cards with friends. He would keep looking at his watch and at 1:15 a.m. would rush out for ten minutes. When asked where he went, he would say, "Oh, I just went down to the station to miss the last train."

The General needs political support to retain his uniform and a crowded cabinet certainly helps. Fundamentally, he believes that politicians are corrupt and inept; so the country needs to be saved from their shenanigans. Now, wouldn't it be a divine intervention if the happy parliamentarians of the coalition (one third of whom have portfolios) were to extend the tenure of his uniform under Clause 1 (d) of Article 63 in the constitution and then prove to be inept themselves by not meeting the targets set for them by the Prime Minister; and on top of that the vigilant intelligence agencies were to collect all the dirty fingerprints, which our leaders cannot help leaving behind. It would give General Musharraf a very valid reason to serve the best interest of the country by sending the assemblies packing and setting up an interim government with a duly elected Prime Minister in place. Such a move would bring a sense of relief to the chagrined masses and bestow the General a unique distinction of saving the country twice within a brief span of five years.

If this were to actually transpire, then there is certainly a method to the madness, otherwise I must have fallen prey to the rampant epidemic of hallucinations caused by rumours. So help me God.

Iqbal Mustafa
1239 words
10 September 2004