Looking beyond the uniform issue
Iqbal Mustafa

Printed in NEWS September 19, 2004


Quo Vadis
Whither are you Going

For this new series of columns, I have symbolically chosen the title from the call of the Roman guards when they addressed passers by: Quo Vadis, where are you going? In the previous series, 'Inside view' I took a retrospective approach, dilating upon many areas that affect our lives by dint of institutional management of the country. While responding positively many readers complained that I was finding faults but not proffering solutions.

In this series, I am taking a prospective view of things where we can look at the paths ahead and the choices available. There is no certainty in determining destiny but it certainly helps knowing a little about the paths ahead.

Iqbal Mustafa.
February 2004

So our worst fears have come true finally! The uniform is not coming off. Let us admit it, there is a morbid sort of peace of mind that this has brought in all of us, more so in the opposition - I am implying here that the opposition is not us, the people, as much as the ruling parties are not either. The society has almost crystallised in a division between an oppressive state and frustrated masses. The peace of mind is the culmination of suspicions that this might happen, just like when the suspecting spouse of a perfidious person eventually discovers the betrayal.

It never required the diplomatic vision of Henry Kissinger to know that the uniform was here to stay with the office of the President, at least until the two major political forces (or personalities shall we say) are totally marginalized and an alternative leadership has emerged to fill the vacuum. The lack of finesse in putting the uniform issue to rest, once and for all, is not new to our society. It is always best to impose compromises on people piece meal, rather than with a hatchet. It is less painful that way.

However, two statements made to validate the decision are extremely hurtful to our sensibilities. One by General Musharraf that 96 percent of people want him in uniform, and the other by Mr. Aziz that there is no need for constitutional amendment to retain the uniform after 31st December, 2004. There is no empirical or conjectural evidence to substantiate the claim of an 'overwhelming approval rating' of the President. Going by din of street voices, the military establishment, as a whole, would be hard pushed to get a 50 percent approval rating from the public today, let alone a single personality that has become an icon of the military. Making such an unsubstantiated and sweeping claim does not help the eroding credibility of the President.

As for Mr. Aziz's comment, one would have expected him to browse through the relevant clauses of constitutional provisions on the matter. Article 42(7) provides for the Chief Executive of Pakistan to become the President after receiving a mandate through referendum for a period of 5 years on a date in accordance the ruling of the Supreme Court of Pakistan of 12th May, 2000. Through the 17th Amendment the following proviso has been added at the end of the new Article 42(7): "Provided paragraph (d) of Clause (1) of Article 63 shall become operative on and from 31st day of December, 2004. Article 63 deals with dis-qualifications for membership of Parliament and its clause (1)(d) disqualifies anyone who, "He holds an office of profit in the Service of Pakistan other than an office declared by law not to disqualify its holder."

Under these provisions, the minimum basic requirement would be for the Assembly and the Senate to provide the President an exemption from this disqualifying proviso. So to say that nothing needs to be done, and retention of the uniform is perfectly in accordance with existing constitutional provisions is technically incorrect. Mr. Aziz would do well to issue a rectification of his statement, if he is to retain his impeccable image of a competent professional.
Anyhow, on a broader canvass where historians etch their visions for posterity, these are small matters and would be forgotten in times to come. What really matters is the prospects ahead for the country. No one can deny that the consistency and continuity of policies would have salutary effect on economic environment in the country. As for advancement or obstruction of democracy, there are many other factors that I wish to recite here.

In words of Farid Zakaria, "What is called democracy in the West is really liberal democracy, a political system marked not only by free elections but also the rule of law, the separation of powers and basic human rights, including private property, free speech and religious tolerance. In the West, this tradition of liberty and law developed over centuries, long before democracy took hold. It was produced by a series of forces--the separation of church and state, the Renaissance, the Enlightenment, the Reformation, capitalism and the development of an independent middle class. England and the United States were considered free societies 200 years ago - when under 5 percent of their populations voted. More recently, Hong Kong, for decades ruled as a crown colony by Britain, was one of the most economically and politically free societies in the world." Democracy cannot take strong roots where these enabling factors are absent. We seem to assume that these factors are a product of democracy whereas they are in fact predecessors.

Wealth is another critical ingredient for democracy's health. Adam Przeworski and Fernando Limongi produced some credible statistical evidence to prove a correlation between wealth and democratic stability of nations. Their findings are that 1) Average life of a democratic regime with per capita income below $1,500 is eight years. 2) Average life of a democracy with per capita income between $1,500 and $3,000 is about fourteen years.3) For countries with a per capita income of over $6,000 the death rate is 1in 500. One can surmise that wealth confers immortality to democracies. There are exceptions, of course, India being one and Indian democracy failed to solve economic problems for 50 years and is now on the path to a growth that promises democratic delivery.

In the third world, to quote Farid Zakaria again, "Over the last decade those countries that moved farthest toward liberal democracy followed a version of the Western pattern: first capitalism and the rule of law, then democracy. In much of East Asia--South Korea, Taiwan, Thailand, and Malaysia--a dominant ruling elite liberalized the economy and the legal system. Capitalism created a middle class that then pressured the government to open up the political system. It nurtured an independent civil society that has helped consolidate democracy. In Latin America, the most successful liberal democracy today is Chile, which followed a similar path under Gen. Augusto Pinochet. These dictators were not trying to create democracy. But in modernizing their countries they ended up doing so anyway."

Pakistan stands at a cross roads today where some of above mentioned countries stood a couple of decades ago. If General Musharraf's rule can emulate the success stories of East Asian and Latin American developments, then historians will absolve him for constitutional infractions and people will eulogise him for his leadership tenacity. If not, the road to 'Somaliasation' being trod upon for the past fifty six years will get bumpier as we fade into a dusty sunset of history. In all pragmatism, I think it is need of the hour to look beyond the uniform issue now.

Iqbal Mustafa
1110 words
18 September 2004