Living on the Fault Lines
Iqbal Mustafa

Printed in NEWS 21 March, 2004


Quo Vadis
Whither are you Going

For this new series of columns, I have symbolically chosen the title from the call of the Roman guards when they addressed passers by: Quo Vadis, where are you going? In the previous series, 'Inside view' I took a retrospective approach, dilating upon many areas that affect our lives by dint of institutional management of the country. While responding positively many readers complained that I was finding faults but not proffering solutions.

In this series, I am taking a prospective view of things where we can look at the paths ahead and the choices available. There is no certainty in determining destiny but it certainly helps knowing a little about the paths ahead.

Iqbal Mustafa.
February 2004

Pakistan is perched precariously on the global fault line between the US lead alliance to root out terrorism as a creed, and the ethos in pockets of the Muslim world that nurtures irreconcilable rejection of the domination of Western civilization. Pakistan is trying to walk on the knife-edge of the global divide as it celebrates a US offer to join the exclusive club of non-NATO allies while it fosters a theological ideology of state that is sympathetic to those very forces that have vowed to resist the western alliance until the end. Pakistan has readily chosen a military incentive to its socio-economic problems once again. An offer to ease trade barriers to US and EU markets would have been a much more useful concession for long-term benefits. It is quite transparent now that the US is leveraging Pakistan military's voracious appetite for armaments.

More so, it has also become clear that the US has accepted Pakistan's military establishment as the de-facto authority in the country for good or for bad. US has two impending needs: A regional ally to provide logistic support in neutralizing Al-Qaeda's top leadership and eradication of a strong theological sub-culture in Pakistan that provides fertile breeding ground for the fundamental ideology purported by Al-Qaeda. This unstructured, amorphous ideology creates the terrorist synergy threatening the West today, as loosely connected splinter fanatic cells, spread across the globe, operate almost independently to wreak havoc. The attack in Spain last week has brought the Western intelligence agencies to acknowledge their helplessness against this 'ideology based' network without traceable physical links. The paradox is stark - every act of terrorism outside Israel in the world is linked to Al-Qaeda, part of which is operating from Pakistan that has accepted the role of a front line state against Al-Qaeda.

The 'Guns for Goodwill' alliance is painfully expedient. The world invariably treats you as you want to be treated. We offer short-term expediency and that's what we get. India wants long-term economic relations and that is what it gets. Outsourcing of services to India from the US was on top of the agenda between Vajpaee and General Powell. EU and the US have repeatedly announced a resolve to strengthen strategic relationship with India on a long term basis. Pakistan, in contrast, gets a military alliance that will serve the US much more than it can ever serve Pakistan. The irony need not be underlined.
Since the military has unequivocal authority to wage wars, set foreign policy, handle nuclear program, amend the constitution and manipulate political vectors in the country (as witnessed over the past fifty years) it is quite understandable when the US negotiates and panders to the authority that wields the mantle of power. The collective will and interest of Pakistan, as a society, is bypassed arbitrarily.

While the establishment prides itself for waltzing on the global divide, it is also oblivious of the internal fault lines in the country that are more treacherous than external adventures. There are four major cracks in the sub-strata of Pakistan's society.

First and foremost, there is the civil-military divide. This divide runs much deeper than politics. Politicians have an axe to grind that the military has impeded democratic evolution in the country. The fact is that politicians hate the military only as far they are denied its support. The civil-military divide runs across every sector in the society - business, services, land holding etc. Military is the largest business conglomerate in the country with a collective turnover of over 100 billion rupees per annum. The Chief of Army Staff is also the CEO of the largest business house in the country that runs everything from transport, industry, housing, building contracts to agriculture estates. In services, the military has carved out exclusive territories from middle management to top slots of running public sector commercial organisations. It has slots allocated in virtually all public sector services. Military holds the best real estate assets in the country with housing colonies in virtually every metropolitan area. Finally, the practice of allotment of agricultural lands to military officials seems inequitable to the civilian society. As new lands are distributed, scarce water resources are stretch thin for the farmers.

The compounded affluence that these perquisites confer to military personnel is a cause for considerable heartburn and inequity amongst the civilian population, especially in view of the fact that military spending is beyond the pale from civilian scrutiny. The civilians suffer a sense of colonisation by the military in this sense. The military, on the other hand, fosters a sense of superiority in terms of their discipline, forthrightness and loyalty to the State, which justifies their privileges. It belittles the civilians for being inefficient, corrupt, disorganized and lacking in national spirit. The divide is widening progressively and does not bode well for social harmony.

The vernacular versus anglophile divide cuts across all sections of the society sharply. Not only does command of English confer clear social and economic advantages, it distinguishes the privileged minority for its broader global vision and a more objective view of the world. Vernaculars feel handicapped and carry a 'chip on the shoulder' attitude that distorts their worldview. This divide is symbolised by newspaper styles. The tenor of headlines, editorial content and opinion columns of Urdu and English newspapers is so diametrically opposed that one wonders how some of them are coming out of the same publishing house. Newspapers cater to public opinion and this indicates how the society is divided between those who draw inspiration from English and those who dwell in parochial mindsets. The education system in the country will drive the wedge deeper in this major social divide.

In spite of the preamble of the constitution, a large segment of the society is sceptical about the theological basis of statehood but remains mute out of fear of the mullah. In a predominantly practical way, the society is quite secular but since the word is equated with apostasy it is a taboo to speak about it. There is a definite secular versus non-secular divide progressively growing in the ranks of the society that cannot be verbalized but is eroding national unity in conceptual terms. This divide will grow with the spread and freedom of the media in times to come.

The provincial divide has existed from the day Bengalese demanded politically parity and were denied. The centralized federal structure has zealously guarded its powers vis-à-vis the provinces. The unbalanced structure, with one province being larger than the other three put together, and Zia-ul-Haq's party less politics inflamed ethnic groupings with centrifugal forces gaining momentum over time toward extreme separatist sentiments. Instead of defusing sense of depravation in the smaller provinces, the centre has kept a tight hold of resources and controls. It would have been prudent to subdivide provinces into manageable units but the bureaucracy whose inertia becomes a de facto law unto itself in every large and centralised organisation would not entertain the idea. Also, dictatorships have a natural propensity towards coercion, rather than eliciting cooperation, and therein lay their motivation to strengthen the central control.

The introduction of Local Government system has jumped to the other extreme where the federal government has in a sense by-passed the provinces to create a nexus between local governments and the centre to the chagrin of provincial governments. The provincial divide has two dimensions. 1) political, based on ethnic feelings and 2) administrative where territorial strife is quite frequent and intense.

While so much attention is paid to surface tensions between political power groups in the country and with India, there is little awareness of the fatal fault lines Pakistan is hiding under the surface. The military establishment has successfully smothered all opposition and taken upon itself to lead the country out of the dire straits, for which it has a bill of clean health from global powers. This is inherently neither good nor bad. The consequences will determine the final verdict. The US or the World has no interest in Pakistan's long term prospects; they are adhering to the best course under given geo-political situation. The military establishment must take heed of the fault lines that I have described before earthquakes erupt. Pakistan is a country living on many fault lines; it can ignore them at its own peril.

Iqbal Mustafa
20 March 2004