Idols of the Mosque
Iqbal Mustafa

Printed in NEWS March 20, 2005


Quo Vadis
Whither are you Going

For this new series of columns, I have symbolically chosen the title from the call of the Roman guards when they addressed passers by: Quo Vadis, where are you going? In the previous series, 'Inside view' I took a retrospective approach, dilating upon many areas that affect our lives by dint of institutional management of the country. While responding positively many readers complained that I was finding faults but not proffering solutions.

In this series, I am taking a prospective view of things where we can look at the paths ahead and the choices available. There is no certainty in determining destiny but it certainly helps knowing a little about the paths ahead.

Iqbal Mustafa.
February 2004

There are four classes of Idols, which beset men's minds. To these for distinction's sake I have assigned names-calling the first class, Idols of the Tribe; the second, Idols of the Cave; the third, Idols of the Market-Place; the fourth, Idols of the Theater - Francis Bacon. (1561-1626).

Bacon created analogies for various myths that had emanated from different origins, and which confused rational thinking in men. His major contribution to philosophy was his application of induction, the approach used by modern science, rather than the a priori method of medieval scholasticism.
If Francis Bacon were to be here today, he would add another category of idols to his list - the idols of the mosque. There are some myths about religion that exist without any scrutiny. The reason for this is the mullah's belligerency that has been fostered on a naive policy of appeasement, and our intellectuals' moral cowardice to stand up for truths. Religious issues are made sacrosanct by unwillingness of the intelligentsia to challenge the arbitrary signs of "no trespassing" posted by an illiterate clergy. These are some myths about religion that need dispelling.

There is a myth that religion and morality are synonymous. Nothing can be farther from the truth. In practice, religion and morality are neither synonymous nor mutually exclusive. You may have a religious person who is not 'moral' - he simply follows articles of faith ceremoniously. On the other hand, you may have an irreligious person who is very moral. Vice-versa can also be possible. This myth gives rise to a belief that morality can only exist within a framework of faith or that lack of a religious framework breeds immorality. A little observation of life around you will show that there is no truth in this supposition. On the contrary, it is considerably easier to mask immorality under a veil of religious ceremoniousness.

There is another similar myth about religion and justice. The clergy has made the common person develop a belief that if religious jurisprudence were to be imposed, there would be perfect justice all around. This is wrong too because providing justice is not the function of the Law. Law is a passive instrument of concepts. Justice is delivered by the executing agencies, the police and the judicial system. No Law in itself can guarantee justice if the executing machinery is ineffective or corrupt. Executing and delivering justice is more to do with administrative ability than conceptual or ideological rectitude.
There is an illusion that faith, or religion, enshrines static, universal and perpetual truths, that are unalterable. Whereas, life is a kinetic process and nothing can be assumed to be static or universal. In reality, all religions take on local flavour wherever they go. Christianity and Islam, the two most popular faiths in the world, have adopted immense diversity in concepts, ceremony and practice in different parts of the world. A little traveling around will reveal to anyone how much influence local culture has on religious forms. Let alone distant cultures, Arabia and Persia adopted Islam differently in the light of their own historical perceptions and yet only a small stretch of water separates the two regions. Islam mutates into a soofi mold when it comes to India. Universality of religious form is a myth.

There is a grave illusion that beleaguers the Muslims of the subcontinent. It is that religion can form a basis for a modern Nation-State. In India Wins Freedom, Maulana Abul Kalaam Azad wrote, "Mr. Jinnah and his followers do not seem to realise that geography was against them. Muslims in undivided India were distributed in a way, which made it impossible to form a separate state in a consolidated area. The Muslim majority areas were in the North-West and in the North-East. These two areas have no point of physical contact. People in these areas are completely different from one another in every respect except only in religion. It is one of the greatest frauds on the people to suggest that religious affinity can unite areas, which are geographically, economically, linguistically and culturally different. It is true that Islam sought to establish a society, which transcends racial, linguistic, economic and political frontiers. History has, however, proved that after the first few decades, or at the most after the first century, Islam was not able to unite all the Muslim countries into one state on the basis of Islam alone." Time has proven the Maulana correct. Pakistan desperately needs to redefine its existence, aside from religion, before the centrifugal forces working on it shatter the religious bind that is supposed to be holding it together.

General Zia reinforced the myth that Pakistan cannot exist without religious motifs, and contemporary politicians dare not tread on that sacred domain. It is true that most people in Pakistan would uphold the notion of an Islamic order in the country but there is a subtle symbolism here that escapes general observation. The common person in Pakistan is frustrated with the 'system', which has let him down in terms of economic, social and legal security. He pines for these securities and for that, his point of reference is Islamic history, not western democracy. He is not familiar with the concepts of Locke or Rousseau, or the contribution of John Adam, Lincoln and the likes in the evolution of democratic systems. He relates social justice to Caliph Hazrat Omar, Caliph Hazrat Ali, Allaudin Khilji because that is what he is familiar with. So the common man in Pakistan, in effect, is not endorsing a theocratic order. He is simply expressing a need for relief from the uncertain misery of his existence. His psychological need lends itself readily for the 'salesmen of the religious supermarkets' to con him into a myth that a religious order will deliver prosperity and justice.

Finally, there is that lethal and debilitating myth aggressively held by the clergy that imposition of religion (or a particular brand of it) is an end in itself, above all else. It need not be measured in terms of human betterment or service. It is ordained from the heavens and that that is it. Then they take it upon themselves to become the executioners of God's will in the imposition of a tyrannical order that is neither efficient nor kind. They forget that all religions and particularly Islam were revolutions in their own times, descended to relieve human misery and elevate society to a higher plateau of civilisation. If religion cannot deliver these basic objectives, it is a mockery of faith. Faith cannot be an end in itself.
"Enlightened moderation' doesn't challenge these myths at a perceptual level; in fact endorses them and therefore will never take roots in public psyche, especially without the tangible support of equity, security and justice in society. General Musharraf will need much more than syllogisms at rallies to contain the hold of religious extremism in the society.

Iqbal Mustafa
email: mustafa@hujra.com
Archives available at www.hujra.com
1140words
19 March 2005