The Enigma of SMEDA

 

Picking up the trail from last week where I had related the story of SMEDA’s creation, we are going to explore the enigma that SMEDA has been since its inception. It has been the best kept secret after the nuclear program of the country. Part of the ambivalence stems from its concept that does not fit into the categories of other developmental agencies in Pakistan. Perceptions vary from accolades that it is ‘the best thing since chappati to the other extreme where it is seen as ‘an esoteric and elitist coterie of paper tigers.’

The new regime of General Musharraf had a close look at SMEDA in December 1999 – top officials of Ministries of Finance, Industries and Commerce sat together in a meeting to decide whether it would be thumbs up or down for SMEDA  in the new scheme of things. Since the new economic team leaders where cognizant of the inherent debilitation of their respective ministries in analysis and planning, and had in mind to rely upon private sector professionals, SMEDA fitted their vision snugly, being an organisation with a dynamic, private sector professional character. At the same time, they felt that previously SMEDA had been too headstrong by the dint of its direct reporting line to the cabinet division of the Prime Minister’s Secretariat. SMEDA was attached to the Ministry of Industries & Production (and by default to the Ministry of Commerce, since both had a common minister in R.D.). It was to function through ‘proper channels’ so to say.

Funding came from Ministry of Finance but the administrative control was delegated to Ministry of Industries and Production. By executive order it was an autonomous body and the assumption was that the Ordinance to follow will formalise its autonomous status under a Board of Directors – four from government sector and six from the private sector. Until the promulgation of the Ordinance a managing committee of high officials from the ministries was to run SMEDA as temporary arrangement with R.D as chairman. Virtually, SMEDA had three masters to serve in this arrangement: the two ministers and the bureaucracy, especially of the Industries and Production through which all its administrative affairs were routed.

Finance expected SMEDA to create a credit market in the SMEs for the old restructured SBFC to pump credit in the sector – a sort of an workhorse extension for SBFC, later merged with RDFC and made the SME Bank. It created further confusion since people could not distinguish between SMEDA and SME Bank. Moreover, SME Bank started advertising technical services to the SMEs exactly as SMEDA. SME Bank had the money but little expertise; SMEDA has some expertise but no money. They served under different ministries and their enforced cooperation at the Head to Head personal level did not permeate down the cadres which remained suspicious of one another. As the arrangement did not materialise into exponential growth of credit to SMEs through the SME Bank, and other Banks, ministry of Finance began to lose faith in SMEDA.

Ministries of Industries and Commerce were fire-fighting economic revival at the business front. SMEDA seemed as the most proficient and convenient vehicle for sector analysis and strategy formulation, having introduced the new concept of ‘value-chain’ analysis so successfully. SMEDA was laden with analysis and planning work during the whole year of 2000. It was buried with Textile Vision 2005, Leather Vision 2010, Hexpo 2005 (horticulture), Fisheries, Edible Oil Policy, Sugarcane Industry Analysis and Strategy, amongst many other policy issues. All these were presented to the President by the Ministry with SMEDA’s support.  As they say, “to whip a willing horse” other ministries began to purloin SMEDA’s technical expertise in preparing plans for development.

This diversion in mandate re-enforced the perception that SMEDA may have good analytic and planning skills it is not reaching to help the SMEs in flesh, which was true to a large extent, although some of its policies were beginning to benefit the SMEs in their respective sectors indirectly. While SMEDA served many masters, it kept straining at the leash to return to its actual mandate of helping SMEs with its own home-grown plan of action. This was perceived by the bureaucracy as unhealthy independence of mind. Defiance of authority in any form, even in positive direction, is a cardinal sin in the eyes of the ‘Competent Authority.’ The concept of SMEDA, passed by the Cabinet in May 2000 in principle, became a tug of war between SMEDA and the bureaucracy where one wanted autonomous independence and the other wanted to clip its wings.

However, by January 2001, I managed to convince R.D. that SMEDA may revert to its actual mandate, and move away from sectoral analysis and strategic planning. Massive re-structuring followed that tacit understanding with R.D. and SMEDA began to put together its SME outreach programs. Website was launched (which became the 3rd best website of the year in 8 months), front desks were opened to provide consultancy services to walk-in SMEs for finanicial, technical, marketing, management and HR services. A very amibitious training program was launched and in the first year SMEDA provided short training workshops (over 80) in diverse fields to SMEs in four corners of the country – as remote as Sukkar, Sargodha, Turbat and Wazirabad. Concurrently, SMEDA  in collaboration with ILO, World Bank and Asian Development Bank was working on policy framework for SMEs. The strategy documents produced are the first ones in country to lay down policy guidelines for the government to help SME sector. State Bank has issued a new set of Prudential Regulations for SMEs as one of the outcomes.

While R.D. was happy with SMEDA, claiming in Colombo once that ‘SMEDA had made a major contribution to economic revival in the country’, Ministry of Finance was chagrined and so was the bureaucracy. I had been constantly pushing for promulgation of the Ordinance to give SMEDA a permanent constitutional status and establish its long term sense of direction. In year 2002 a ‘transit lounge’ mentality had set in with the incumbent government as elections approached. However in August, the SMEDA  Ordinance was passed in a form that watered down its autonomy and put all the reigns in the hands of the Ministry of Industry and Production.

The momentum SMEDA had gained with the technical assistance of ADB under a one million dollar PPTA grant (endorsing its overall structure and direction, and praising its past performance by stating that SMEDA had achieved in three years what other similar agencies have taken over 10 years to reach) stalled with the change of government. ADB technical assistance program developed a business plan for SMEDA, laying out the conceptual elements and delivery mechanisms in collaboration with SMEDA itself. It was scrapped by the new government and SMEDA was back to the square one.

The incumbent minister (chairman SMEDA) has spent the past year bitterly criticising and chiding SMEDA for being elitist and useless; promising to ‘fix it.’ How long will he need, is anybody’s guess. His Board of Directors with six private sector members is back to the drawing board. SMEDA is being re-structured again, its mandate redefined and the wheel is being re-invented. Meanwhile the Ministry officials rule the roost and SMEDA’s autonomy has been scrapped for the red tape of the bureaucracy. In the previous regime there was strong political ownership of SMEDA but little understanding of it and hence it was put to questionable use; never the less, it was a well-oiled, efficient machine that delivered quality products. In the democratic regime today, there is neither understanding (hence the fresh exploration) nor any political ownership (therefore the ministerial lashings). Its staff has dwindled and there are plans to chop the headcount further. The Board and the Minister plan to uplift 250,000 odd SMEs in the country with a staff of 80 de-motivated employees under bureaucratic guidance. It would need more than good luck.

SMEDA was a high-tech tool in the hands of a primitive artisan: That has been its enigma. Now it is being transformed into a primitive tool with which the artisan feels comfortable. It may not produce wonders but the enigma will be no more – it will become another useless appendage to the Ministry, as many other institutions. This is the achievement of the democratic regime, but then who are we to question this democracy which is a far bigger enigma than SMEDA ever was!

Iqbal Mustafa
06 December 2003

1400 words