Neither means nor the end
Iqbal Mustafa

Printed in NEWS 04 January 2004


Inside View

This is a series of columns I have started writing from June, 2003 for NEWS. I had imposed a moratorium on my writing for the past seven years since I was attached to the government, first in the capacity of a member of the Central Board of State Bank, and then as CEO, SMEDA.

Now that I am back in the 'civies', so to say, the itch to sharpen my pen became irresistable. This series "Inside View" is based on the experiences and perspectives I gained being an 'insider' for all these years. This is an inside view of an outsider.

Iqbal Mustafa.
June, 2003

The old Chinese curse, "May you live in interesting times" seems to be hanging perpetually over Pakistan like a ghost's shadow. Looking at the country's historical timeline not a year goes past without some extraordinary development or twist of events. The frequency of 'reversal of fortunes' has increased over the past years. Last year was a record clincher, ending in the grand finale of the constitutional accommodation between the MMA and the government.

General Musharraf had three new leases of life: Two from failed assassination attempts and one from the turn of political events - resolution of the LFO crisis for the moment and vote of confidence by 56 percent of the Electoral College. A cat has nine lives; I suppose a lion that he is must share the same attribute of the species. Let's hope so because the fate of the country hangs by his solitary skin. A democracy is supposed to ensure that nations do not pin their existence on individuals! In spite of smoothening the rough edges of our new constitutional settlement this goal still eludes us. So where do we stand after the dust of the past two weeks settles down?

In an article, Barry Bearak of New York Times wrote on 7th December, 2003, "Pakistan is a great hub of duplicity, and the maulana was just one of the many chameleon characters who seemed able to operate at both its centre and fringe, something like the nation itself, which is one of America's essential allies in the war against terrorism and also one of terrorism's essential incubators in its war against the West. Each time I visit the country, I hope for some blossom of understanding but return with the wilt of confusion. This is a nation of confounding murkiness, where every kind of deception, collusion and outright sham are recurring motifs in the political theatre. Rumors and conspiracy theories are as commonly exchanged as rupee notes, the information -- some of it even true -- then twisted, inflated and endlessly rearranged. Much of the trickery is institutionalised. The I.S.I. -- the shorthand name for the military intelligence agencies -- is widely presumed to be an expert puppet master, the great Oz of a manipulated society." (He was referring to the deceased Maulana Azam Tariq).

We could, and many would I am sure, pass it off as purely malicious propaganda of the western media against our land of the pure. Never the less, it is a serious indictment of our state by the free press of western media which holds considerable sway on global perceptions. At least, it indicates a failure of projection on our part. If we were to understand that this does not reflect the official sentiments of US or Europe who embrace us as their partners in war on terrorism, it would merely be a cosseting illusion with little reality. Diplomacy has diction of its own, and meanings cannot be sought in words alone; actions speak louder than words. Pakistan is kept on a short leash when it comes to economic cooperation and assistance. We are paid 'on cash basis' for specific services rendered. Aid and assistance is circumscribed with heavy agendas focused to specific areas of irritation. The whole tenor of assistance is patronising, like a parent taking a kid out for shopping. There is little evidence of open, trusting handshake on economic and trade issues.

I am not speaking of debt-write offs - that would be patronising again. I speak of giving Pakistan an open access to western markets for economic growth. Textiles constitute 70 percent of exports out of which the bulk goes to EU, US and Canada. Only if the quotas and tariffs were to be eased off this could double within a year and quadruple within three years. With a trade surplus of three to four billion dollars per year, Pakistan would be in a position to start servicing it debt. Let's not forget that it is not the quantum of debt but our inability to service it that suffocates. US debt is over three trillion dollars and it is healthy since the economy can service it. Similarly withdrawal of agriculture subsidies in EU and US could open up phenomenal markets for countries like Pakistan triggering a spiral of growth to alleviate the poverty that the world laments with crocodile tears. When so inclined, US can provide windows of trade opportunity to its 'true' allies - Vietnam and Mexico are riding an exponential curve of trade growth with the US. Mexico's textile exports are touching 10 billion dollars in a short period. Let's not fool ourselves with diplomatic rhetoric; we have been a subcontractor of services, never an ally. Barry Bearak's article in New York Times is a true indicator of western perceptions about us.

Returning to domestic situation that breeds international perception, let us analyse the fundamentals - the means and the ends. In trying to join the global comity of democratic nations, both are important, the means and the ends. Beginning with a claim to be an apolitical and independent arbitrator of political chaos in the country, General Musharraf has succeeded in staking a claim for the top political office in the country with powers far enhanced from the given constitutional provisions that he inherited. Whether it is in the larger interest of the country is beside the point: the means by which he has consolidated his position with a narrow margin casts deep shadows over the means by which he has arrived to become the self-appointed saviour of the country in troubled times. Over 40 percent of the representatives are bitterly opposed to the means he has adopted. This is too large a number for such a controversial position. Mere mechanics do not absolve question of legitimacy.
As for the ends is concerned, three constitutional conundrums have plagued politics since independence. First, how to incorporate theological ideals with democratic polity - whether to take broad principles as moral guidelines or whether to enshrine dictates of Shar'ia in letter and spirit? And Shar'ia of which sect? The second issue has been the balance of power between the federal government and the federating units. Early contentions with East Pakistan terminated in dismemberment and subsequently provincial autonomy has been a chronic and malignant issue all along through various regimes and governments. The third is the polemic over the balance of power between the president and the prime minister (especially under the 1973 constitution). All three issues are as alive and contentious today as they have been in the past.

A democracy is desired for four basic objectives, not in any order of priority - Stability of governments, accountability of rulers, smooth succession of power and an equitable order in the country for economic growth on a level playing field. Are we any closer to these four blessings that democracy is expected to bestow? I doubt if there is a consensus on the four objectives I have listed from global experience. The MMA for certain will not agree and add a theological objective that General Musharraf has not been endorsing in his speeches. Adversity can make strange bedfellows. If a reader genuinely believes that we are on the way to achieving democratic objectives, he or she is reading the wrong column, I am afraid. They should be applauding political speeches.

Machiavellian thinking endorses using the wrong means for the right ends, and sometimes there are grounds to support it but what about wrong means for wrong ends? And finally, the foreboding external factors are so nonchalantly brushed aside when we talk of internal politics, as if there is a status quo in the world which would permit us infinitely to play 'democracy games' in peace and keep ignoring the fallout of our internal strife. How long can we continue to live in interesting times?


Iqbal Mustafa
03 January 2004
1300 words